林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文

林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文（11篇）

1.林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文 篇一

林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。林肯的这篇演说是演说史上著名的篇章，其思想的深刻，行文的严谨，语言的冼练，确实是不愧彪炳青史的大手笔。尤其是其中的第二段，建议加以仔细分析，其语义的承转，结构的安排，甚至包括其句式的使用，无一不是极尽推敲之作。GETTYSBURG ADDRESS

Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we can not hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us;that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion;that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth.87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

2.林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文 篇二

关键词：葛底斯堡演说,《独立宣言》,暗喻

1 Background

Shortly after the Battle of Gettysburg, Andrew Crutin, the governor of Pennsylvania quickly assigned a prominent citizen in Gettysburg, Judge David Wills to form an inter-state commission and father funding for a proper cemetery.During the preparation, Wills asked poets such as Henry Wadsworth Longfellow and William Cullen Bryant but was refused.Finally, a noted public speaker, Edward Everett agreed to attend but required 2 months’preparation and a commemorating date of November 19, 1863, was set.

At the beginning of November, Wills issued a rather casual invitation to President Lincoln to speak at the ceremony.The program for the ceremony lists Everett as the orator and Lincoln as the dedicator.The presence of Lincoln was not intended to lend an aesthetic contribution to the ceremony but rather for the sake of formality.

2 Two Speeches on the Scene

Everett, a scholar of classics, enriched his speech with multiple allusions to fallen Greek heroes and drew parallels between the dead at Gettysburg and those who had fallen at the Battle of Marathon.The previously-mentioned two-month’s preparation proofed its value and Everett concluded his ornate diction after almost two hours.

While Everett recited his two-hour speech from memory, Lincoln recited most but not all of his three-minute address from memory.In such shot time of preparation, he wrote at least six versions of the address in his own hand, making some minor revisions in the drafts.There is uncertainty about the draft that he eventually delivered.It may have been the second version, finished the morning of the ceremony in the house of his host Wills.

3 The Eminence of Gettysburg Address

After the ceremony, Lincoln received the greatest compliment from Edward Everett, “I should be glad”, he told Lincoln that“if I could flatter myself that I came as near to the central idea of the occasion in two hours as you did in two minutes”.

The persistent appearances of Gettysburg Address in American culture showed its eminence.In addition to its prominent place carved into a stone cella on the south wall of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., the Gettysburg Address is frequently referred to in works of popular culture, with the implicit expectation that contemporary audiences will be familiar with Lincoln's words.

Lincoln's Gettysburg Address is itself referenced in another of those famed orations, Martin Luther King, Jr.'s"I Have a Dream"speech.Standing on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in August1963, King began with a reference to President Lincoln and his enduring words:"Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice."

The Constitution of France (under the Fifth Republic established in 1958) states that the principle of the Republic of France is"gouvernement du peuple, par le peuple et pour le peuple" ("government of the people, by the people, and for the people, ") a literal translation of Lincoln's words.

The eminence of Gettysburg Address attributes to three parts—perfect correlation with the political background, contents echoing the Declaration of Independence and Lincoln’s posture while speaking.Below is the author’s analysis.

3.1 Relation with the Declaration of Independence

Lincoln deliberately misreads the Declaration of Independence.He supersedes the 1787 Constitution with the 1776 Declaration of Independence and rewrites the“self-evident truth”of the Declaration of Independence into“proposition”.

To get a round interpretation, it’s necessary to know how much importance Lincoln put on the“Union”and“nation”.He wrote to a friend mentioning that“to connect his name with the events transpiring in his day and generation, and so impress himself upon them as to link his name with something that would redound to the interest of his fellow men, was what he desired to live for”.The address begins with“a new nation”and ends with“a new birth of freedom”.It is composed of three paragraphs concerned with the past, the present, and the future with each containing the word“nation”.Meanwhile, Lincoln carries the birth theme by using birth-evoking words like“bring forth”“conceive”“creation”and“new”.His firm purpose throughout the address is to assert the nation and keep it intact.

Lincoln’s misprision of“self-evident truth”as“proposition”shows that he interprets the Jeffersonian ideal of the equality of men from a different perspective.The Declaration’s self-evident truth that all men are created equal means that people are endowed by their creator with equality when they are born.The Jeffersonian ideal of equality is natural right.While Lincoln admits that the ideal is not equally true of all people in his time.To convey this belief, Lincoln delivered his address to the audience from his dominant position with a resolute tone.He maintained that the achievement had not yet been realized.

3.2 Use of metaphor

Lincoln also uses metaphors in Gettysburg Address to create communion between himself and his audience.In using them, he derives the broadly political from the deeply personal.Our sense of political unity arises from two sources—our awareness of being alive and whole, and our debt to those responsible for our birth and upbringing.His use of constitutive metaphors also suggests a normative standard for discourse aimed at the most inclusive publics—the need to find common ground in shared values, a shared sense of who we are and what we wish to become, as persons and as a people.

At the beginning of Gettysburg Address, Lincoln uses the constitutive metaphor“a nation is a living being”to remind his audience of the common origin that binds them together as a people devoted to a central principle:“Four score and seven years ago, our father brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal”.

In the middle, he uses the same metaphor to emphasize the bounds that tie the sacrifice of the dead to the preservation and renewal of the Union:“We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who gave their lives that this nation might live”.

In the conclusion of the speech, the metaphor expresses the resolve of the North in reestablishing the Union, imagined as a person:“It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us...shall have a new birth of freedom—that government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth.”The metaphor defines the nation as it is and as it will be.

3.3 Lincoln’s posture

Another thing needs to mention is that Lincoln holds an appropriate profile during the speech.When Lincoln rose up to speak, he rose slowly, steadily, firmly;he never moved much about on the stand or platform when speaking, trusting no desk, table, railing;he ran his eyes slowly over the crowd...In his greatest inspiration he held both of his hands out above his head at an angle of about fifty degrees, hands open or clenched, according to his feeling and his ideas.

Meanwhile, Lincoln had spent hours poring over Shakespearean speeches so he knew how to manipulate the rhythms and inflections of dramatic delivery.According to live records, interrupted for applause some five times, the president’s speech was well received by his audience.

4 Conclusion

Lincoln’s greatness not only lies in his achievement in political affairs but also in many of his speeches.The one he gave after the Battle of Gettysburg declares its prominence from many parts.Its relationship with the Declaration of Independence shows Lincoln’s resolve in creating a whole nation against any union.His usage of metaphor is the showcase of his belief of a declaration of a whole nation.The address calls upon the people to a destination, the final wonderland of a united nation and history proved its effect.

参考文献

[1]"Constitution du 4 octobre 1958"[EB/OL].http://www.conseil-constitutionnel.fr/textes/constit.htm)

[2]Alan G.Gross, Lincoln's Use of Constitutive Metaphors[M].University of Minnesota Press.

[3]Barton, William E.Lincoln at Gettysburg:What He Intendedto Say;What He Said;What He Was Reported to Have Said;What He Wished He Had Said[M].New York:Peter Smith, 1950:195.

3.林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文 篇三

摘 要：林肯的《葛底斯堡演讲》是历史上著名的演讲名篇，多年来我国许多人都曾尝试翻译此篇演讲词。本文将以张培基《英汉翻译教程》里刊载的演讲词翻译以及许渊冲《翻译通讯》里刊载的演讲词翻译为主，对这两篇译文进行浅略分析，谈谈笔者对这两篇译文的看法。

关键词：林肯《葛底斯堡演讲》汉译文;张培基《英汉翻译教程》;许渊冲《翻译通讯》

一、原文分析

1863年11月19日，林肯在宾夕法尼亚州葛底斯堡的葛底斯堡国家公墓揭幕式中发表此次演说，哀悼在长达五个半月的葛底斯堡之役中阵亡的将士。林肯《葛底斯堡演讲》全文总共10个句子，267词，演说时间只有两分钟。本文同属表达型文本和呼唤型文本。文章没有任何多余的赘言，开门见山，立即转入正题;结尾语气坚定，给听众留下感情奔放、情意深切、逻辑严密和生动有力的深刻印象。

二、译文比较分析

1、词汇选择

原文1：Fourscore and seven years ago...a new nation，conceived in Liberty，and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.张译：七八十年以前，我们的先辈们在这个大路上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

许译：七八十年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上建立了一个以自由为理想、以人人平等为宗旨的新国家。

文中conceived 和dedicated 两个动词的含义对于表现这个国家的自由平等有重要的作用。张分别使用“孕育”、“奉行”两个动词来体现;许则简化了这两个词，以“神似”的意译来取代了直译，“一个以自由为理想、以人人平等为宗旨的新国家”。笔者认为，翻译中所表达的原文含义比翻译中所采用的结构更为重要，许的简化翻译使得译文丢失了部分原文的内容。

原 文2：But，in a larger sense，we cannot dedicated―― we cannot consecrate――we cannot hallow――this ground.张译：但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，我们不能够圣化，我们不能够神化。

许译：但是，从更深刻的意义来说，我们不能使这一角战场成为圣地，我们不能使它流芳百世，我们不能使它永垂青史。

原文中这三个词dedicated，consecrate和hallow意思逐步深入递进，烘托了牺牲战士们的崇高性，表现出了庄重严肃的情感。dedicated 有“奉献，投身于、致力于”的意思;consecrate有“为……祝圣，使圣化”的意思;hallow有“把……视为神圣，使成为神圣”的意思。因此，可以看出，张是根据原文，以直译的方式来处理这个句子。许则进行了加工，用四字成语显得更有气势，语气不断加深。

2、句式结构与逻辑

原 文3：It is rather for us…… task remaining before us――that from these honored dead…… he last full measure of devotion;that we …… shall not have died in vain;that the nation shall...and that government of the people，by the people，for the people，shall not perish from the earth.张译：倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务――以便使我们从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的奉献精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;以便使我们在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者们白白牺牲;以便使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，并且使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

许译：我们更应该献身于我们面前的伟大任务，更应该不断向这些光荣牺牲的烈士学习，学习他们为事业鞠躬尽瘁、死而后已的献身精神，更应该在这里下定决心，一定不让这些烈士的鲜血白流;这个国家在上帝的保佑下，一定要得到自由和新生，这个民有、民治、民享的政府一定不能从地球上消失。

这段话句式结构复杂，4个that引导了4个task的同位语从句。从句式结构到具体的措辞，两位先生的翻译都有很大的不同。张用“以便使……以便使……以便使……并且使……”的句式结构对原句进行分解;而许采用的是“更应该……更应该……更应该……一定要……”句式结构。二者翻译均有排比句式的强烈情感色彩。而对于原文中出现的shall，张译为“让，使”，许译为“让，一定”。从许的措辞，如“鞠躬尽瘁、死而后已”“一定不能从地球上消失”等中，可以看出他的翻译相对情感色彩更为激烈，强硬;而张的翻译，如“白白牺牲”“永世长存”等，则较为缓和的情感，更能表现出对牺牲者的谦卑的态度。

三、总结

《葛底斯堡演讲》属于政治性的演讲词，两位先生的译作各有千秋。张培基的译文贴切原文意思，词句的翻译处理更加精致;许渊冲的译文多采用四字成语，气势磅礴。但是，笔者认为后者的翻译在细节处理，如遣词用句上过于意译。因此，笔者认为张培基的译文较好。

[1]古今明《林肯葛底斯堡演说词译文的对比分析》外语研究[J]1988年第4期

4.林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文 篇四

译文比较：美国总统林肯葛底斯堡演说词

The Gettysburg Address

Abraham Lincoln

Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate--we cannot consecrate--we cannot hallow--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.译文一：张培基：《英汉翻译教程》，上海外语教育出版社1980年

葛底斯堡演说词

亚伯拉罕·林肯

八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者说以考验任何一个孕育于自由而奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。

我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集合。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们在此集会是为了把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，我们不能够圣化，我们不能够神化。曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地神圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。全世界将很少注意到，也不会长久地记起我们今天在这里所说的话，但全世界永远不会忘记勇士们在这里所做过的事。无宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务，以便使我们从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；以便使我们在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；以便使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，并且使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

译文二：朱曾汶

葛底斯堡演说词

亚伯拉罕·林肯

八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新的国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集合。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后的安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务 ——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝的福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

译文三：洪丽珠

葛底斯堡演说词

亚伯拉罕·林肯

八十七年前，先民在这个大陆上创建一个新国，信仰自由、致力于人生来而平等的主张。现在我们正从事伟大的内战，以测验这个国家，或任何有着相同信仰或相同主张的国家，能否维持长久。我们就是在这场战争的一个大战场上集合，为了要将这片土地的一部分，献给那些为了国家生存而捐躯的战士们，作为最终的安息之所。我们这样做是十分恰当的。但是，从较广的层面来说，我们根本没有资格奉献这块土地，使它成为圣土。

5.名人演讲:葛底斯堡演说 篇五

葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖，他们以为他是不会来的，但林肯答应了。既然总统来，那一定要讲演的，但他们已经请了著名演说家艾佛瑞特来做这件事，因此，他们又给林肯写了信，说在艾佛瑞特演说完毕之后，他们希望他“随便讲几句适当的话”。这是一个侮辱，但林肯平静地接受了。两星期内，他在穿衣、刮脸、吃点心时也想着怎样演说。演说稿改了两三次，他仍不满意。到了葬礼的前一天晚上，还在做最后的修改，然后半夜找到他的同僚高声朗诵。走进会场时，他骑在马上仍把头低到胸前默想着演说辞。

那位艾佛瑞特讲演了两个多小时，将近结束时，林肯不安地掏出旧式眼镜，又一次看他的讲稿。他的演说开始了，一位记者支上三角架准备拍摄照片，等一切就绪的时候，林肯已走下讲台。这段时间只有两分钟，而掌声却持续了10分钟。后人给以极高评价的那份演说辞，在今天译成中文，也不过400字。

GETTYSBURG ADDRESS

Abraham Lincoln

Delivered on the 19th Day of November, 186

3Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, pennsylvania

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War,testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us;that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion;that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.葛底斯堡演说

亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日

87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。

6.林肯演讲稿 篇六

Address

Abraham Lincoln

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

November 19, 1863

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自 由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后的安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务――我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝的福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

（朱曾汶译）

选自《英译汉名篇赏析》李亚丹主编

Gettysburg Battlefield

One of the bloodiest battles of the Civil War was fought in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, on July 1-3, 1863.General Robert E.Lee came face to face with a Union army led by General George Meade.On July 3, Lee sent three divisions, about 15,000 men in all, against the Union.This oval-shaped map by Theodore Ditterline depicts troops and artillery positions along with roads, railways, and houses with names of residents.The Library has one of the finest collections of Civil War printed maps and the foremost collection of Confederate field maps, numbering more than 2,300.* * * *

* *

* *

* *

* *

* *

* *

7.亚伯拉罕林肯演讲稿 篇七

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal.Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us;that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion;that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."

87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。

8.为人民服务和林肯演讲读书笔记 篇八

佩克汉姆判决逻辑：

一、州可以在第十四条修正案的基础上运用治安权禁止某一类合同行为。

1.联邦宪法第十四条修正案规定任何州非经正当程序都无权剥夺任何人得生命、自

由和财产。

2.对于自己事物签订合同的普遍权利是第十四条所保护的自由权的一部分。

3.州在行使治安权时必须要涉及公共的安全、健康、道德和普遍福利。

4.州在行使治安权时可以对自由权（如订立契约）进行合理的限制。

5.但州在限制第十四修正案所保护的权利时必须要符合正当程序。

二、holden v.hardy案并不适用于本案的讨论。

1.holden案所讨论的法律只局限于保护这一阶层的人民，他们从事地下采矿、冶炼

和其他筛选工作。

2.这一阶层的的劳作环境非常特殊。

3.Holden案并没表明立法机关可以确定其他雇佣劳动中的劳动时间。

三、州的治安权行使必须受到正当程序的限制。

1.没有正当程序的限制，治安权的行使就会不受约束，因为每个立法都可以说是为

了保护人民的道德、健康和安全。

2.不符合正当程序的治安权行使是无效的。

四、州制定这项法律（对面包师的劳动时间进行限制）是否是在行使治安权?——治安权的行使应该符合哪些条件？——实质的正当程序

1.首先该法很难看出会涉及公共安全、道德和公共福利问题。

2.我们认为该法律也不属于健康法，本案治安权的行使是不合法的。

（1）一个法律干涉了个人间的缔约自由权利，如果还是合法的，其法律的目的本身必须要适当与合理。

（2）没有任何理由表明该法律对于保护公众健康以及面包师个人健康是必要的和适当的，即该法律的目的并不适当。

（3）面包师行业与健康的关系

a.根据数据统计，面包师行业不是对健康最有益的行业，但也不是对健

康最有害的行业。

b.通常观念下，我们并不认为面包师是个有害健康的职业。

c.几乎所有的职业都会对健康造成或多或少的损害，也就是说所有职业

都带着有害健康的种子。

d.因此，立法机关可以保护公众健康的名义对几乎所有行业立法

e.从这个角度来理解职业与健康的关系将是无意义的，因为州的治安权

将会不受限制。

（4）该法律很可能是基于其他目的，而不是为了保障公众和面包师健康这个目。

（5）该法律是否符合美国宪法取决于其实际运用过程中所产生的自然效果，而

不是其宣称的目的。

（6）对劳动时间的限制与雇员的健康没有直接的联系，对雇员健康也没有实质

性的效果，以至于我们不能称其为真正的健康法。

（7）这一条款的真正目标在于限制雇主和雇员间的劳动时间，而这种私人事务

对道德以及健康都不会造成实质性的危险。

哈兰大法官异议：

一、契约自由在某些限度内必须接受旨在筹划和计划促进一般福利、保卫公共健康、道

德和安全的规制。

1.治安权至少包括保护公众的生命、健康和安全免遭其他公民的侵害。

2.州在行使治安权时不得不对公民就个人权利签订的实质性契约进行适当限制。

3.契约权利本身必须受到州治安权的合法限制，这是政府固有的权力。

二、该制定法的目的是为了保护面包店和糖果店的工人的健康。

三、法院可以查明州所设计的手段是否切合于这种能被合法实现的目的。答：州所采取的手段与所要追寻的目标是有实质性的联系的。

1． 该制定法不是适用于所有行业的，而是只适用于面包和糖果店。

2． 面包糖果店的空气条件差是众所周知的。

3． 根据纽约州劳动统计局报告表显示，工作条件会影响营养状况的职业中，面包师也

在其中。

4． 考察健康与工作时间的关系，应该交给有特殊知识的人而不是法官的逻辑推理。

5． 关于工人体力和安全的特殊行业与工作时间的制定一直是立法要考虑的内容。

6． 综合各种情势，面包店糖果店的每周超过60小时的工作是很可能会危害他们的健

康。

四、我们应该支持一部法律，只要它不是显而易见的违背宪法。

五、不应将宪法14修正案扩大到远远超越其本意的程度，这会严重侵害原本属于各州的权力，而且这些权力各州可能比法院更懂得如何去正确行使。

霍姆斯的异议：

一、本案的判决是基于一个大部分人都尚未接受的经济学理论。

二、但本案的中该理论与人们在立法中体现其意见的权力并无关系。

三、州宪法和法律可能用许多方法来规制其生活，如果我们是立法者，可能认为这些规制方

法并不明智，但，如果你是专制者，你才能认为这些规制方法是干涉了契约自由。

四、一部宪法也不是意图反映某一个特定的理论，所有某些某些偶然发现的理论观点并不能

作为我们决定制定法是否与宪法相冲突的理论依据。

五、一般性命题也不能决定具体案件。

9.林肯葛底斯堡演讲中英文 篇九

Distinguished guests,

Friends,

Ladies and gentlemen,

In this golden autumn, it is a great pleasure to meet friends from afar here in the ancient city Xi’an. Let me begin by expressing sincere gratitude to our guests at the seminar and our warm welcome to friends who have traveled all the way to China.

In the autumn of 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed the collaborative building of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road when he visited Central Asia and Southeast Asia. This has been met with strong response from the international community and particularly from the countries along the Belt and Road. It has also triggered enthusiasm and interest among many countries to explore and participate in the initiative. In order to help people better understand the initiative and engage in the building of the Belt and Road, the State Council Information Office held international seminars at the Silk Road Economic Belt in Urumqi, northwest China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, in 2014, and at the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road in Quanzhou, southeast China’s Fujian Province, in 2015. This year, we put the two topics into one seminar, hoping to provide a wider platform for exchange and discussion. Here today, to my great pleasure, I have the chance to meet many old friends and also get to know many new ones.

The theme of this seminar –Shared Memory, Common Development – embodies our efforts in treasuring historical legacy, our best wishes to the common prosperity of countries along the routes and acknowledgement of our responsibility to world peace and development. More than 300 guests from 35 countries are gathered here today. It is a great event for discussing the grand projects of the Belt and Road Initiative. I believe, through in-depth discussion and exchange of wisdom from all participants from various fields, we shall be able to reach a broad consensus and achieve a prosperous outcome.

【参考译文】

尊敬的帕劳贝克先生，

尊敬的科勒德克先生，

各位来宾、各位朋友，

女士们、先生们：

在古城西安最美的金秋时节，有朋自远方来，不亦乐乎。首先，我谨向各位参会嘉宾表示衷心感谢，向远道而来的各国朋友表示热烈欢迎!

20的秋天，中国国家主席习近平在出访中亚、东南亚时，分别提出共建丝绸之路经济带、21世纪海上丝绸之路的重大倡议，引起国际社会和沿线国家的热烈反响，同时也激发了各有关方面探究参与的热情和兴趣。为了让大家更好地了解 “一带一路”倡议，更好地投身“一带一路”建设，20、20中国国务院新闻办公室分别在新疆乌鲁木齐、福建泉州举办了丝绸之路经济带国际研讨会、21世纪海上丝绸之路国际研讨会。这次把两个研讨会合二为一，目的是为大家提供一个交流研讨的更广阔平台。今天在这里，我见到了很多老朋友，又结识了很多新朋友，感到格外高兴。

10.伊万卡演讲中英文 篇十

One year ago, I introduced my father when he declared his candidacy[宣布参选]. In his own way and through his own sheer force of will[1], he sacrificed greatly to enter the political arena[政坛]as an outsider and prevailed against[战胜] a field of 16 very talented competitors. For more than a year, Donald Trump has been the people’s champion. And tonight, he is the people’s nominee.

Like many of my fellow millennials, I do not consider myself categorically[绝对地;直截了当地]Republican or Democrat. More than party affiliation[党籍;政党取向;政党归属], I vote based on what I believe is right for my family and my country. Sometimes, it’s a tough choice. That is not the case this time. As the proud daughter of your nominee, I am here to tell you that this is the moment, and Donald Trump is the person, to make America great again.

Real change the kind we have not seen in decades is only going to come from outside the system, and it’s only going to come from a man who has spent his entire life doing what others said could not be done. My father is a fighter. When the primaries[党内初选]got tough and they were tough! he did what any great leader does: He dug deeper, worked harder, got better and became stronger. I have seen him fight for his family. I have seen him fight for his employees. I have seen him fight for his company, and now I am seeing him fight for our country! That’s been the story of his life and, more recently, the spirit of his campaign. It’s also a prelude[2] to reaching the goal that unites us all when this party and better still this country knows what it is like to win again.

If it’s possible to be famous and yet not really well known, that describes the father who raised me. In the same office in Trump Tower[特朗普大厦] where we now work together, I remember playing on the floor by my father’s desk, constructing miniature buildings[微型建筑] with Legos[乐高积木] and erector sets, while he did the same with concrete, steel and glass. My father taught my siblings and me the importance of positive values and a strong ethical compass. He showed us how to be resilient, how to deal with challenges and how to strive for excellence in all that we do. He taught us that there is nothing we cannot accomplish, if we marry vision and passion with an enduring work ethic.

One of my father’s greatest talents is his ability to see potential in people before they see it in themselves. It was like that for us too, growing up. He taught us that potential vanishes into nothing without effort. And that, like him, we each had a responsibility to work not just for ourselves, but for the betterment of the world around us.

Over the years, on too many occasions to count, I saw my father tear stories out of the newspaper, about people he had never met who were facing some injustice or hardship. He’d write a note to his assistant in his signature black felt-tip[毡头笔;签字笔] pen and request that the person be found and invited to Trump Tower to meet with him. He would talk to them, and then draw on his extensive network to find them a job or get them a break. And they would leave his office, as people often do after being with Donald Trump, feeling that life could be right again.

Throughout my entire life, I have witnessed his empathy and generosity towards others, especially those who are suffering; it’s just his way of being in your corner when you’re down. My father has not only the strength and ability necessary to be our next president, but also the kindness and compassion[同情;怜悯] that will enable him to be the leader that this country needs.

My father has a sense of fairness that touches every conviction he holds. I’ve worked alongside him for more than a decade now at the Trump Organization, and I’ve seen how he operates as a leader, making important decisions that shape careers and change lives. I’ve learned a lot about the world from walking construction jobs by his side.

When run properly, construction sites[建筑工地] are true meritocracies[3]. Competence in the building trades is easy to spot[看出;注意到;发现], and incompetence is impossible to hide. These sites are also incredible melting pots[熔化锅;各种族融合之国(通常指美国)], gathering people from all walks of life[各界;各行各业] and uniting them to work toward a single mission. There have always been men of all backgrounds and ethnicities[种族] on my father’s job sites, and long before it was commonplace[普遍的;老生常谈;司空见惯的事], you also saw women.

My father values talent[重视天赋]. He recognizes real knowledge and skill when he finds it. He is colorblind and gender-neutral[性别中立的;不分性别的]. He hires the best person for the job, period. Words and promises, no matter how visionary they sound, will only get you so far. In our business, you’re not a builder unless you’ve got a building to show for it or, in my father’s case, city skylines.

Most people strive their entire lives to achieve great success in a single industry. My father has succeeded in many at the highest level and on a global scale[全球范围内]. One of the reasons he has thrived as an entrepreneur is because he listens to everyone. Billionaire executives don’t usually ask the people doing the work for their opinions of the work. My father is an exception. On every one of his projects, you’ll see him talking to the super, the painter, the engineers, the electricians. He’ll ask for their feedback; if they think something should be done differently or could be done better.

When Donald Trump is in charge, all that counts is ability, effort and excellence. This has long been the philosophy at the Trump Organization. At my family’s company, there are more female than male executives. Women are paid equally for the work that we do, and when a woman becomes a mother, she is supported, not shut out. Women represent 46 percent of the total U.S. labor force[劳动力], and 40 percent of American households have female primary breadwinners[养家活口的人;生计;谋生的工具].

In , women made 83 cents for every dollar earned by a man. Single women without children earned 94 cents for each dollar earned by a man, whereas married mothers made only 77 cents. As researchers have noted, gender is no longer the factor creating the greatest wage discrepancy[差异] motherhood is. As president, my father will change the labor laws that were put in place at a time in which women were not a significant part of the workforce, and he will focus on making quality childcare affordable and accessible for all.

As the mother of three young children, I know how hard it is to work while raising a family, and I also know that I am more fortunate than most. American families need relief. Policies that allow women with children to thrive should not be novelties[新奇的事物(或人、环境)]; they should be the norm[规范;标准]. Politicians talk about wage equality, but my father has made it a practice at his company throughout his entire career. He will fight for equal pay for equal work, and I will fight for this too, right alongside of him.

Americans today need an economy that permits people to rise again. A Trump presidency will turn the economy around and restore the great American tradition of giving each new generation hope for brighter opportunities than those of generation that came before. In Donald Trump, you have a candidate who knows the difference between wanting something done and making it happen. When my father says he will build a tower, keep an eye on the skyline. Floor by floor, a soaring structure will appear, usually record-setting[创记录的] in its height and iconic in its design. Real people are hired to do real work. Vision becomes reality. When my father says that he will make America great again, he will deliver.

We have a chance this year, to reclaim our heritage as a country that dreams big and makes the impossible happen. Fortunately, Donald Trump is incapable of[不会;不能] thinking small. When I was a child, my father always told me, “Ivanka, if you’re going to be thinking anyway, you might as well think big.” As president, my father will take on the bold and worthy fights. He will be unafraid to set lofty[崇高的;高尚的] goals, and he will be relentless[4] in his determination to achieve them. To the people all over America, I say, when you have my father in your corner, you will never again have to worry about being let down. He will fight for you all the way, all the time. Every time.

Maybe it’s the developer in him, but Donald Trump cannot stand to see empty main streets and boarded-up[用木板封住的] factories. He can’t bear the injustice of college graduates who are crippled[5] by student debt and mothers who can’t afford the cost of the childcare required to return to work to better the lives of their families. Other politicians see these hardships, see the unfairness of it all, and say, “I feel for you.” Only my father says, “I’ll fight for you.”

The hard-working men and women of this country identify with[认同;认为…等同于,与一致] my father. He is tough and persevering[坚韧不拔的;不屈不挠的]; he honest and real; he is an optimist and a relentless believer in America and all of her potential. He loves his family and his country with his heart and soul.

Politicians ask to be judged by their promises, not their results. I ask you to judge my father by his results. Judge his values by those he’s instilled[滴入;逐渐灌输]in his children. Judge his competency by the towers he’s built, the companies he’s founded and the tens of thousands of jobs he’s created. He is the single most qualified person to serve as the chief executive of an 18-trillion-dollar economy.

My father will call upon the best and brightest people from all spheres of industry[各领域行业] and both sides of the aisle, a new set of thinkers to face our country’s existing and future problems with a fresh perspective and brave new solutions.Come January , all things will be possible again. We can hope and dream and think big again. No one has more faith in the American people than my father. He will be your greatest, your truest and your most loyal champion.

This is the fighter, the doer, that you have chosen as your nominee. In ways no one expected, this moment in the life of our country has defined a mission, and given it to an extraordinary man. He is ready to see it all the way through; to speak to every man and woman, of every background, in every part of America, to earn your trust and your vote. He earned that and much more from me a long time ago.

11.林肯就职演讲（定稿） 篇十一

在1860年的总统选举中，民主党内的南北分裂，为林肯和共和党的胜利扫清了道路。虽然林肯被挑选出来作候选人，部分是由于他有温和主义者的名声，但是南方人还是警告说，如果林肯获胜，他们将脱离联邦。无论在南方还是北方，林肯的当选都被看作是对奴隶制和奴隶主政治权力的排斥。就在林肯当选之后，美国七个州(南卡罗来纳、密西西比、佛罗里达、亚拉巴马、乔治亚、路易斯安那、得克萨斯)脱离了联邦，并于1861年2月4日，在亚拉巴马州的蒙哥马利组成美国南部邦联。几 周后，国会提出了一项在美国禁止奴隶制的宪法修正案。(这项修正案于1865年被批准为第十三修正案。)

1861年3月4日，林肯在华盛顿特区国会大厦前的台阶上宣誓就职时，向处于分裂和内战边沿的国民发表演说。他呼吁理智和冷静。他的演说是为维护联邦和避免战争所作的最后一次努力。不过，林肯明确表示，联邦将保卫自己，脱离联邦是不合法的，以暴力反对联邦政府将被看作是叛乱。林肯的祈求没有人听。南方邦联的军队于1861年4月12日炮击南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿的萨姆特堡，内战由此开始。在萨姆特堡陷落之后，维吉尼亚州、阿肯色州、北卡罗来纳州和田纳西州都加入了美国南部邦联。

„„在南方各州的人民中似乎存在着一种忧虑，即由共和党执政，他们的财产、安定的生活和个人安全将会遭到危险。这种忧虑从来就没有任何理由。说实在的，无须忧虑的最充足的证据一直都是客观存在的，而且公开接受他们检查。这可以在这位现在向你们致辞的人的几乎所有发表过的演讲里找到。我现在仅引用那些演说辞中的一篇来声明：

我无意直接或间接地在有蓄奴制的州里干预蓄奴制度。我相信我没有这样做的合法权利，而且我也没有这样做的意愿。„„

自从一位总统依照国家宪法第一次就职以来已经过了72年。72年里，15位出类拔萃的公民相继管理了这个政府的行政部门。他们领导这个政府经历了许多危险，而且一般都取得很大成功。可是。尽管有这种先例，我却是在巨大而特别困难的情况下，担负起同样的任务，履行短暂的四年总统任期。分裂联邦，以前还只是一种威胁，现在却已变成令人生畏的行动。

考虑到一般的法律和我们的宪法，我认为这些州所组成的联邦是永久性的。在所有国家政府的基本大法中，即使没有明文规定其永久性，也总是含有此意的。我们可以断言，没有一个正式政府曾经在其组织法中，规定一个使自己寿终正寝的条款。只要我们继续执行国家宪法中所有的明文规定，这个联邦就会永久存在，——除非采取宪法法规以外的某种行动，我们是无法摧毁联邦的。

再说，即使合众国不是一个正式的政府，而仅是各州之间一种契约性的组合，那麽，作为一份契约，难道就可以由少数人而不是全体订约人，不经争执，心

安理得地予以取消吗?契约的一方可以违反它——或者说是破坏它，但难道不需要通过全体订约人就能合法地解除它吗?„„

从这些观点可以推定，任何州均不得仅由自己动议，即可合法脱离联邦；有关这方面的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的；对于任何一州或数州境内反抗美国政府的暴动，应依据情况来确定其为叛乱还是革命。

因此，我认为依照宪法与法律，联邦是不可分裂的；我将尽我所能，务使联邦法律在所有各州得到忠实贯彻，这是宪法本身明文规定责成我这样做的。我认为这样做仅是我本身的一种责任；而且我将在可行的范围内去履行这责任，除非我的合法主人，即美国人民，制止使用这些必要的手段，或者通过某种权威性方式，作出相反的指示。我相信这种说法应该不会被认为是一种威胁，而只是把它看作是联邦所明确宣布的目标，即它要依照宪法保护和维系自身。

要这样做，就必须没有流血和暴力发生，而且只要不是强加于国家权威头上的，哪怕有一点都不行。所赋予我的权力将用来保存、占领和掌握属于政府的财产和地盘，并征集税收和关税，但是，超出为达到这些目标所必需的手段，就不能去侵犯任何地方的人民，不能使用武力反对任何地方的人民，或在任何地方的人民中使用武力„„

据说在这个或那个地区里，有一些人千方百计地企图摧毁联邦，甚至不惜利用一切借口非达此目的不可。对此，我不加肯定也不给予否定。但若事情果真如此，我无须对这帮人致辞。可是，对于那些真正热爱联邦的人们，我难道能够缄默不言吗?

在事情还没严重到破坏我们的国家组织，连同它的一切利益，全部历史和所有希望之前，把我们这样做的意图准确地弄清楚，难道不是明智的吗?如果你们要躲避的灾难可能实际上并不存在，在这种情况下，你们难道还要铤而走险吗?如果你即将遇到的灾难比你们想逃避的所有实际的灾难更为深重，难道你们还要冒险赴难，铸成可怕的错误吗?

如果宪法规定的一切权利能够得到维护，则人人都会以身在联邦而感到满足的。那麽，宪法里明文规定的权利究竟有哪一项真的被否定了?我认为没有„„

迄今还不曾有过一部根本大法，对于一切实际行政管理中可能出现的任何问题都有专门条款来规范；没有先知可以预见会发生什麽，也没有任何繁简适度的文件所明文规定的条款足以应付一切可能发生的问题。联邦和州政府要交出逃亡的奴隶吗?宪法中没有明文规定。国会可以在准州地区禁止奴隶制度吗?宪法里没有明文规定。国会必须在准州地区维护奴隶制度吗？宪法也没有明文规定。

就从这类问题中触发出我们一切有关宪法的争论，我们可把争论者分为多数派和少数派。即使少数派不愿支持政府，多数派也必须支持，否则政府就必须停止工作。其它的替代办法是没有的；要使政府继续存在下去，必须得有一方的支持。在这种情况下，如果有一个少数派不支持政府而要脱离联邦，那麽他们

就开了一个先例，这必然会导致他们内部分裂并毁了他们，因为他们自己内部的多数派拒受这种少数派控制时，这个少数派又会脱离他们。举例来说，正如目前联邦中的一些州宣布脱离联邦那样，一两年后南部新邦联中的一部分难道就不会蛮横地再行脱离吗?一切醉心于分裂的人们目前所接受的正是这种思想。

在这些要组成新联邦的州之间，难道真的具有完全一致的利益，足以使彼此和睦共处，并避免重新分裂吗?

显然，脱离联邦的核心思想正是无政府状态的实质所在。一个被宪法的强制力和规范所约束，并能顺应公众舆论和公众感情的审慎的变化而变化的多数派，才是自由人民唯一真正的治理者。谁否认它，谁就必然走向无政府或专制。完全一致是不可能的。少数人的统治，作为一项永久性的安排，是完全不能接受的。因此，如果否认多数原则，剩下来的仅有某种形式的无政府状态或专制而已„„

我国有一部分人相信奴隶制是对的，应当予以延续，而另外一部分人则相信它是错的，不应予以延续。这是唯一的实质性争执„„

从地理环境上说，我们是无法分离的。我们不能把各地区从彼此的位置上挪开，也不能在它们之间筑起不可逾越的城墙。夫妻可以离婚，以后彼此不相见，也无法找到对方，但是，我国的不同地区之间不能这麽做。它们不得不面面相对，彼此往来，不管是友好的还是敌对的，这情形一定会在它们之间继续下去。那麽，分裂以后是否有可能使彼此来往比以前更有利或者更令人满意呢?与外人签约会比与朋友共订法律更容易吗?条约在异邦人之间会比法律在朋友之间得到更忠实的执行吗?假如你们要打仗，你们也不能一直打下去，在双方都伤亡惨重，谁也没有收获之后，你们停止作战时，关于交往条件的一些与以前完全相同的老问题又会摆在你们面前„„

为什麽不能满怀信心，耐心等待人民的最终裁决呢?难道还有更好的或能与此相匹的希望吗?在我们目前的分歧中，难道双方都没有信心认为自己是站在正确的一边吗?如果代表永恒真理和正义的万能上帝站在你们北方一边或者站在你们南方一边，那麽经过美国人民这个大法庭的裁决，真理和正义定将普照天下。

从管理我们的政府的组织结构来看，聪明的人民没有给他们的公仆多少权力去胡闹，而且他们还以同样的智慧为在短期内将那一点点权力收回到他们自己手中作了准备。只要人民保持他们的道德和警惕，任何行政管理人员，不管他们是多麽邪恶或多麽愚蠢，都不可能在短短四年内给这个政府造成严重伤害。

同胞们，你们每个人都应冷静地好好思考这整个问题。花点时间是不会使任何有价值的东西遭到损失的。如果真有一件东西驱使你们之中任何一个人十万火急地去采取一个你们在审慎沉着的情况下所决不会采取的步骤，那麽花点时间去思考就可以挫败这东西。任何好的东西是不会因为你这样做而遭到挫败的。就好像你们现在都心怀不满，可你们还有一部未受损害的老宪法可依，在敏感问题上，你们还有你们自己根据宪法所制定的法律可依，而新的行政当局即便

想，也没有改变宪法或这些法律的直接权力。就算大家公认你们这些心怀不满的人是站在争执的正确一边，那也没有任何充足的理由去采取草率的行动。以我们的聪明才智、爱国精神、基督教信仰以及对至今从未据弃过这片沐浴圣恩的土地的上帝的坚定信赖，我们还是有足够的能力用最好的方武来解决我们目前所遇到的一切困难。

各位心怀不满的同胞们，内战这一重大问题，不系于我的手里，而系于你们的手里。政府不会攻击你们。只要你们自己不当侵略者，你们就不会遇到冲突。你们没有对天发誓要摧毁政府，但我们却要立下最庄严的誓言来“保存、保护和保卫它”。