英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲

英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲（3篇）

1.英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲 篇一

Mr President, Deputy Secretary-General, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is a great honour for me to address this General Assembly for the first time and to do so as Prime Minister of a country that has always been a proud and pro-active member at the very heart of this United Nations.

This United Nations was formed because leaders across the world knew that they could only deliver security for their citizens at home if they could cooperate, as a community of nations, to deliver security across the globe.

Some of the threats that we face together today are familiar to those founding leaders: war, political instability, abuses of human rights and poverty.

Others are new: global terrorism, climate change, and unprecedented mass movements of people.

We gather here today because we know that such challenges do not respect the borders of our individual nations and that only by working together shall we overcome them.

As a new Prime Minister to the United Kingdom my pledge to this United Nations is simple: the UK will be a confident, strong and dependable partner internationally C true to the universal values that we share together.

We will continue to honour our commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of our Gross National Income on development, building on the achievements we have already made to reduce poverty, deal with instability and increase prosperity the world over. And we will drive forward the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals.

We will continue to champion the rights of women and girls, making sure that all girls get the education they deserve, and tackling horrific abuses such as female genital mutilation and the use of sexual violence in conflict.

We will continue to be a steadfast, permanent member of the Security Council, meeting our NATO commitment to spend 2 per cent of GDP on defence and making a leading contribution to UN peacekeeping efforts, where we have doubled our commitment, including new deployments to Somalia and South Sudan.

We will continue to stand up for the rules based international system and for international law, and I join other leaders in condemning the outrageous bombing of the aid convoy in Syria yesterday.

We will continue to play our part in the international effort against climate change. And in a demonstration of our commitment to the agreement reached in Paris, the UK will start its domestic procedures to enable ratification of the Paris agreement, and complete these before the end of the year.

And we will continue to strengthen our existing partnerships, from this United Nations, to the Commonwealth and NATO, seeking to resolve conflict in countries across the world - from Colombia and Cyprus to Somalia and Yemen.

But we must never forget that we stand here, at this United Nations, as servants of the men and women that we represent back at home.

And as we do so, we must recognise that for too many of these men and women the increasing pace of globalisation has left them feeling left behind.

The challenge for those of us in this room is to ensure that our governments and our global institutions, such as this United Nations, remain responsive to the people that we serve. That we are capable of adapting our institutions to the demands of the 21st century and ensuring that they do not become irrelevant.

So when it comes to the big security and human rights challenges of our time, we need this C our United Nations - to forge a bold new multilateralism.

Because as we have seen even in the past week, no country is untouched by the threat of global terrorism. And when extremists anywhere in the world can transmit their poisonous ideologies directly into the bedrooms of people vulnerable to radicalisation, we need not just to work together to prevent conflict and instability in nation states but to act globally to disrupt the networks terrorist groups use to finance their operations and recruit to their ranks.

When we see the mass displacement of people, at a scale unprecedented in recent history, we must ensure we are implementing the policies that are fit for the challenges we face today.

And when criminal gangs do not respect our national borders C trafficking our fellow citizens into lives of slavery and servitude C we cannot let those borders act as a barrier to bringing such criminals to justice.

In each of these areas, it is the convening power of our United Nations that gives us a unique opportunity to respond. But we can only do so if we modernise and adapt to meet the challenges of the 21stcentury.

As a United Nations we have shown how we can work together to reduce the threat from international terrorism by preventing conflict and instability from developing.

For example, through our Permanent Membership of the Security Council, Britain has played a leading role in the fight against Al Shabaab in Somalia. Since , with huge support from across the region, and critically the commitment of Somalis themselves, Al Shabaab has been driven from all the major cities it used to control.

It is vital that as an international community we continue to support countries in the region that are contributing thousands of troops, and that we continue to build the capacity of Somali security forces. That is why the UK is now going to increase further our security support and we will be calling on others to do the same, hosting an international conference on Somalia in to maintain this vital momentum.

Missions like this must remain central to the work of this United Nations, but on their own they are not enough.

Because the terrorist threats we face today do not come from one country but exist in a different space. The global networks they exploit require a different kind of global response.

These organisations are using our own modern banking networks against us. So we need to look at our regulations, our information sharing and using our technological capabilities to get ahead of them.

They are targeting our airlines, exploiting the fact that no one country can keep its citizens safe when they are flying between multiple jurisdictions.

That is why this week the United Nations will vote on a UK led resolution on aviation security to ensure that every country implements the standards we need to ensure that no country is the weak link.

They are exploiting the internet and social media to spread an ideology that is recruiting people to their cause all over the world. So we need to tackle this ideology head-on.

That is why the UK has championed the work that the Secretary General has led to develop a strategy for Preventing Violent Extremism. Now, as an international community, we must work together to adopt and implement the most comprehensive national action plans to tackle both the causes and the symptoms of all extremism.

It is not enough merely to focus on violent extremism. We need to address the whole spectrum of extremism - violent extremism and non-violent extremism; Islamist and neo-Nazi C hate and fear in all their forms.

Just as we need the United Nations to modernise to meet the challenges of terrorism in the 21st century, so we also need to adapt if we are to fashion a truly global response to the mass movements of people across the world and the implications this brings for security and human rights.

The 1951 convention and the 1967 protocol must remain the bedrock of our response, but the context in which they must be applied has dramatically changed.

Across the world today, there are 65 million people who have been forcibly displaced. That it is equivalent to the entire population of the United Kingdom.

It is an unprecedented figure, one that has almost doubled in a decade. And yet UN appeals are underfunded; host countries are not getting enough support; and refugees are not getting the aid, education and economic opportunities they need.

We must do more. And as the second largest bi-lateral provider of assistance, the UK remains fully committed to playing a leading role.

In the last 5 years the UK has invested over $9 billion in humanitarian assistance, saving millions of lives every year.

The London Syria Conference in February raised $12 billion in pledges, the largest amount ever raised in one day in response to a humanitarian crisis.

And that money is being used to combine both urgent humanitarian assistance and vital economic development, benefitting both refugees and the communities and countries hosting them.

Clearly we need to continue our efforts to bring an end to the conflict and the appalling slaughter in Syria and to get aid through to those who need it.

And while these efforts continue inside Syria, we also agreed new efforts to support refugees and host communities in neighbouring countries, including through education and opportunities to work. This is being assisted by loans from international financial institutions and access to European markets. And through our trading relationships and direct engagement with businesses we are mobilising the private sector to create new jobs in the region for everyone.

And while there is more to be done, it is this approach to financing both humanitarian support and economic development that I will be championing when I announce a further UK financial contribution at President Obama’s Refugee Summit later today.

But in addition to refugees and displaced people fleeing conflict and persecution, we are also seeing an unprecedented movement of people in search of greater economic opportunities through the same unmanaged channels.

This affects all of us, and it is the responsibility of us all to take action. We cannot ignore this challenge, or allow it to continue unmanaged. We need to do better. Better for the countries people leave, for the countries they move through, for the countries they try to get to C and most of all, better for the migrants and refugees themselves.

Despite the huge increase in international efforts, more migrants have died attempting hazardous journeys across borders this year than any other. I believe we have to use the opportunity afforded by this General Assembly for an honest global debate to address this global challenge.

In doing so, we should be clear that there is nothing wrong with the desire to migrate for a better life. And also that controlled, legal, safe, economic migration brings benefits to our economies.

But countries have to be able to exercise control over their borders. The failure to do so erodes public confidence, fuels international crime, damages economies and reduces the resources for those who genuinely need protection and whose rights under the Refugee Convention should always be fulfilled.

I believe there are three fundamental principles that we now need to establish at the heart of a new approach to managing migration that is in the interests of all those involved.

First, we must help ensure that refugees claim asylum in the first safe country they reach. The current trend of onward movements, where refugees reach a safe country but then press on with their journey, can only benefit criminal gangs and expose refugees to grave danger.

So we must all do more to support countries where the refugees first arrive - to provide the necessary protection and assistance for refugees safely and swiftly, and to help countries adapt to the huge economic impact that refugees can have C including on their existing population.

As we are seeing in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey, when the right assistance is provided, solutions that provide sanctuary and opportunity to refugees, and opportunities for those hosting them, can be found.

This is also good for the refugees and the countries they come from C because the closer they stay to home, the easier it will be for them to return and rebuild after the conflict.

Second, we need to improve the ways we distinguish between refugees fleeing persecution and economic migrants. I believe we must ensure the existing convention and protocol are properly applied to provide protection to refugees and reduce the incentives for economic migrants to use illegal routes. This in turn will help us target support for those refugees who need it most and retain the support of our populations for doing so.

Third, we need a better overall approach to managing economic migration which recognises that all countries have the right to control their borders - and that we must all commit to accepting the return of our own nationals when they have no right to remain elsewhere.

By ensuring a managed and controlled international migration response - and at the same time investing to tackle the underlying drivers of displacement and migration at source - we can reject isolationism and xenophobia, achieving better outcomes for all of our citizens C and particularly for the most vulnerable.

Finally, as we gather here today to bring the founding values of the United Nations to bear on some of the most pressing global problems, the likes of which we haven’t seen before, so we must also face up to the fact that some of the worst human rights abuses that we thought we had confined to the history books have re-emerged in new pernicious forms.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaimed by the General Assembly stated that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, that no one shall be held in slavery or servitude and that slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.

Yet nearly seventy years on, we are presented with a new form of slavery: modern slavery.

Organised crime groups, who are largely behind this modern slavery, lure, dupe and force innocent men, women and children into extreme forms of exploitation.

Trafficked and sold across borders; victims are forced into living the kind of inhumane existence that is almost too much for our imagination.

These criminals have global networks to help them make money out of some of the world’s most vulnerable people. Victims are held captive in squalid conditions under the constant shadow of violence and forced into sex and labour exploitation.

If we are going to succeed in stamping out this abhorrent crime and bring the perpetrators to justice, we need to confront the reality of what we are dealing with.

These organised crime groups work across borders and jurisdictions. And they often use the internet and modern technology to recruit, transport, control and exploit their victims, all the while staying ahead of legal systems that are often constrained by traditional geographical boundaries.

So we must take action.

We must use our international law enforcement networks to track these criminals down, wherever they are in the world, and put them behind bars where they belong.

We need to be smarter and even more co-ordinated than the criminal gangs in our efforts to stop them.

In the UK, I am setting up the first ever government taskforce for modern slavery, bringing together every relevant department to co-ordinate and drive all our efforts in the battle against this cruel exploitation.

We are also using our aid budget to create a dedicated fund focused on high risk countries where we know victims are regularly trafficked to the UK.

And yesterday, I committed the first 5 million from this fund to work in Nigeria to reduce the vulnerability of potential victims and step up the fight against those who seek to profit from this crime.

But if we are to meet the Sustainable Development Goal to eradicate modern slavery, we need to go much further.

Security relationships have developed between so many countries for dealing with issues like counter-terrorism, cyber security, drug trafficking and wider intelligence sharing. But we do not have a similar relationship for this fight against modern slavery.

So we need our law enforcement agencies to work together C with joint investigation teams working across multiple countries.

Victims will only find freedom if we cultivate a radically new, global and co-ordinated approach to defeat this vile crime.

Together we must work tirelessly to preserve the freedoms and values that have defined our United Nations from its inception.

Together we must work tirelessly to restore these freedoms and values to the lives of the men, women and children who are exploited for profit and held captive with little or no chance of escape.

From the St James’ Palace declaration and the Atlantic Charter forged by Winston Churchill and President Roosevelt, to the first meeting of this General Assembly in London in 1946, the United Kingdom has always been an outward-facing, global partner at the heart of international efforts to secure peace and prosperity for all our people.

And that is how we will remain. For when the British people voted to leave the EU, they did not vote to turn inwards or walk away from any of our partners in the world.

Faced with challenges like migration, a desire for greater control of their country, and a mounting sense that globalisation is leaving working people behind, they demanded a politics that is more in touch with their concerns; and bold action to address them.

But that action must be more global, not less. Because the biggest threats to our prosperity and security do not recognise or respect international borders. And if we only focus on what we do at home, the job is barely half done.

So this is not the time to turn away from our United Nations. It is the time to turn towards it.

Only we C as Members of this community of nations C can act to ensure this great institution becomes as relevant for our future as it has been in our past.

So let us come together, true to our founding values but responsive to the challenges of today and let us work together to build a safer, more prosperous and more humane world for generations to come.

2.英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲 篇二

I have just been to Buckingham Palace, where Her Majesty the Queen has asked me to form a new government, and I accepted.我刚刚去了白金汉宫，女王陛下请我组建一个新政府，而我答应了。【语言点解析】

Her Majesty和the Queen其实都是女王的意思，更多的情况下我们看到的是分开用，而连在一起用其实也是可以的，这样显得更正式、更尊敬，翻译的时候可以翻成“女王陛下”。

In David Cameron, I follow in the footsteps of a great, modern Prime Minister.Under David’s leadership, the government stabilized the economy, reduced the budget deficit, and helped more people into work than ever before.作为大卫·卡梅伦的继任者，我追随的是一个伟大而开明的首相的脚步。在大卫的领导下，政府稳定了经济，削减了财政赤字，而且以前所未有的幅度增加了就业量。【语言点解析】

首先注意开头的in David Cameron，这里的in其实没有办法直译到中文里，这个用法是用来强调一个人内在的品质，比如“I see a great hero in you.”并不是“我在你里面看到了个伟大的英雄”，而是“在我眼里你是个伟大的英雄”。

Modern一词在这的意思其实就是其本来的意思“现代的”，但是直接翻译成“现代的”肯定很奇怪，所以我们要理解演讲者这么讲是想表达什么。现代当然是和古板、老派对立的，那么强调这点当然是想说他思想进步，于是我们就将其翻译成开明。

Help people into work其实就是创造就业的意思，可以直接说create jobs。但是前面一种用法更亲民，而且有help这样一个带有情感色彩的词，所以她这里这样用是为了和人民套近乎。

But David’s true legacy is not about the economy but about social justice.From the introduction of same-sex marriage, to taking people on low wages out of income tax altogether;David Cameron has led a one-nation government, and it is in that spirit that I also plan to lead.不过大卫真正的政治遗产并不是经济方面的而是社会正义方面的。无论是引入同性婚姻还是全面免除低收入人群的个人所得税，大卫·卡梅伦领导的政府让整个国家团结起来，而这也是我领导时打算秉持的精神。【语言点解析】

Introduction除了“用语言介绍”的意思外，还有更广义的“介绍”的含义，比如这里的引入。

低收入人群是people on low wages，注意用的是on，因为人们live on wages。英文中所谓的one-nation是指一个团结不分裂的国家，强调国家内各族群之间没有分歧。

Because not everybody knows this, but the full title of my party is the Conservative and Unionist Party, and that word ‘unionist’ is very important to me.并不是所有人都知道，但我的政党全名是保守与统一党，而其中的“统一”二字对我来说非常重要。

It means we believe in the Union: the precious, precious bond between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.But it means something else that is just as important;it means we believe in a union not just between the nations of the United Kingdom but between all of our citizens, every one of us, whoever we are and wherever we’re from.这两个字代表我们对“统一”的信念——英格兰、苏格兰、威尔士、北爱尔兰之间极其珍贵的统一。不过除此之外它还有更深一层的意思，而这层意思同样重要，那就是不仅在国家之间取得统一，还要在整个联合王国的所有人民之间取得统一，不管我们是谁、从哪来。【语言点解析】

Precious, precious的意思是极其珍贵，像这样将一个形容词连用时口语中的一种强调方式。

Is just as adj.的意思是同样……，比如你可以说：He is tall and you are just as tall.他很高，而你也一样很高。

That means fighting against the burning injustice that, if you’re born poor, you will die on average 9 years earlier than others.这也意味着我们要与社会上的不公做斗争，这些不公就是：如果你生而贫穷，你的平均寿命就比其他人少9年；

If you’re black, you’re treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than if you’re white.如果你是黑人，那么你在刑事司法体系中受到的待遇会比白人严厉；

If you’re a white, working-class boy, you’re less likely than anybody else in Britain to go to university.如果你个白人男孩，而且出自工薪阶层，那你上大学的几率就比别人少； If you’re at a state school, you’re less likely to reach the top professions than if you’re educated privately.如果你上的是公立学校，那你从事高端职业的几率就比上私立学校的人小。【语言点解析】

Top profession的意思是高端职业，profession与job不同，它强调的是一种职业，而job强调的是一份特定的工作。

If you’re a woman, you will earn less than a man.If you suffer from mental health problems, there’s not enough help to hand.如果你是女人，你受的教育会比男人少；如果你受心理健康问题所苦，你将得不到足够的帮助；

【语言点解析】

Hand在这里是名词而非动词，这里的to hand不是不定式，他的本意是“在触手可及的范围里能拿到”，这里他的意思是“可以得到”，是在修饰help。

If you’re young, you’ll find it harder than ever before to own your own home.如果你是年轻人，你获得自己房产的难度将比以往都大。【语言点解析】

这里又走煽情路线了，用“家”来指代房产，博取人民好感。

But the mission to make Britain a country that works for everyone means more than fighting these injustices.If you’re from an ordinary working class family, life is much harder than many people in Westminster realise.You have a job but you don’t always have job security.You have your own home, but you worry about paying a mortgage.You can just about managebut you worry about the cost of living and getting your kids into a good school.不过，我们的任务是将英国建立为一个适合所有人的国家，这远远不止包括与这些不公做斗争。如果你来自一个工薪家庭，你的生活会比威斯敏斯特的许多人意识到的要艰难。你有工作，但你的工作并不稳定。你有自己的房产，但是你会被住房贷款所困扰。你能勉强收支平衡，但是你很担忧自己能否将孩子送进一所好学校。【语言点解析】

Can just about manage的意思不光是“能勉强收支平衡”，它可以广义地表示“刚好能勉强搞好一件事”。比如：There are too much housework and I can just about manage.家务活太多了，我勉强能干完。

If you’re one of those families, if you’re just managing, I want to address you directly.如果你属于一个这样的家庭，你的生活会捉襟见肘，而我的话正是对你们讲的。【语言点解析】

Address sb.是一种比较正式的表达方式，意思是对谁讲正式的话，它的用法很广，比如女王给国会做演讲可以用它，一个人参加正式宴会的时候 与人初次交谈也可以用它。

I know you’re working around the clock, I know you’re doing your best, and I know that sometimes life can be a struggle.The government I lead will be driven not by the interests of the privileged few, but by yours.我知道你们全天无休地工作，我知道你们已经尽了全力，而且我也知道有时候生活非常艰难。我所领导的政府，将不是被特权人士的利益所驱动的，而是被你们的利益所驱动的。We will do everything we can to give you more control over your lives.When we take the big calls, we’ll think not of the powerful, but you.When we pass new laws, we’ll listen not to the mighty but to you.When it comes to taxes, we’ll prioritise not the wealthy, but you.When it comes to opportunity, we won’t entrench the advantages of the fortunate few.We will do everything we can to help anybody, whatever your background, to go as far as your talents will take you.我们将尽一切所能让你们能对自己的生活掌握更大的控制权。当我们考虑重大问题的时候，我们所想的不会是权贵，而是你们。当我们通过新法案的时候，我们所听取的不是豪强的声音，而是你们的。当我们探讨税收问题的时候，我们将把你们而不是富人作为第一考虑对象。当我们处理机会问题的时候，我们不会为那极少数的巨富挖壕沟。我们将尽自己所能来帮助所有人，无论这个人的背景为何，我们都会帮他达到他的才能所能触及的极限。

We are living through an important moment in our country’s history.Following the referendum, we face a time of great national change.我们正在经历这个国家历史上一个重要的时刻。在全民公投之后，我们的国家正在面临重大的变革。

And I know because we’re Great Britain, that we will rise to the challenge.As we leave the European Union, we will forge a bold new positive role for ourselves in the world, and we will make Britain a country that works not for a privileged few, but for every one of us.而且我知道，因为我们是伟大的不列颠，所以我们定会直面挑战。在离开欧盟之后，我们会为自己在世界上塑造一个崭新而勇敢的积极形象，而且我们会将英国建立为一个所有人的国家（而非少数特权阶层的国家）。

3.英国首相卡梅隆的北京大学演讲 篇三

议长先生、副总统先生、尊敬的国会议员先生们，我为所受到的热情慷慨的欢迎深深感动。坦诚而言，我受之有愧，而且有违常规。

首先,我要最诚挚地感谢你们投票授予我国会金质奖章。但是你们像我一样，知道谁是真正的英雄:那些英勇服役的男女们，你们的和我们的。他们在这次战争中奋斗并仍然处在危险境地。我们给予他们的献词应当以此方式来概括: 向他们和他们的家人证实,他们的奋斗和牺牲不是无谓的。他们的牺牲使后代可以生活在伟大的和平、繁荣和希望之中。（掌声）

让我也表达对布什总统的感激之情。经过自911灾难时刻以来的我们世界的改变,我们成为盟邦和朋友。谢谢您的带领,总统先生。（热烈掌声）

议长先生，先生们，我为获此奖而受宠若惊的心情稍有淡化，唯一原因，是被告知第一个国会金质奖章授予了乔治.华盛顿。如国会所言，表彰他的“机智英勇的运作”，从而把英国人赶出了波士顿(笑声、掌声)。

在我们到这里来的时候,议员富瑞斯特（FRIST）亲切地向我展示1814年战争的交火之地，英国人在那里火烧国会图书馆。我知道道歉有点晚了，但仍要说：对不起。(笑声,掌声，笑声)事实上，你们知道，我的二儿子曾经学习18世纪历史和美国独立战争史,他对我说，“你知道，诺斯勋爵（Lord North, 十八世纪下半叶中期英国首相，美国独立战争的对手。由于美国独立而下台----译者注），爸爸，他就是那个让我们丢了美国的英国首相。所以想想吧，无论你将犯多少错误，都不会比那个错误更糟糕。”(笑声)

恐怖主义威胁世界自由

国会议员们，我对关于今日世界的使命有相当的紧迫感。

9月11日不是一个孤立的事件，而是一个悲剧的序言。在伊拉克的另一行动和许多未来的争斗将在悲剧结束之前, 呈现在这个舞台上。

历史从来没有像今天这样，美国的力量如此必要却如此被误解。或者说, 在普通常识之外，历史的研究没有象今天这样为当前提供如此少的指引。

我们来自尚武好战、强国林立、军力强大、意识形态不同的大陆，我们一度全都诉诸战争。那是争夺领土或金钱的争斗，而且军事规模庞大。战争的统帅是公众人物，结果是决定性的。

今天，我们没有人期待自己的士兵在自己的领土上开战。这个世界上最强大的国家都没有差别地面对直接的威胁。为什么？因为我们都富有而容易失却。因为科技、通讯、贸易和旅行让我们彼此接近。因为过去50年来，类似你们美国和我们英国的国家将自己的产值和生活水平提高了三倍。因为甚至像俄国、中国或印度这样的国家都可以清晰地看到远景，看到未来的财富，并懂得他们正走在通往那里的坚实道路上。因为所有充分珍惜自由的国家，都将绝对捍卫自由，并都不希望践踏他人的自由。

我们从未像今天这样联结在一起。这种联结为我们提供空前的机会，但也使我们极易受攻击。

威胁所以来临，是因为在我们地球的另外一部分存有阴影和黑暗。那里没有自由，那里千百万人在残酷专制下遭受痛苦；那里，我们星球上三分之一的人生活在极度匮乏之中，甚至我们社会可以想象的最贫穷的东西他们也没有；那里极端主义宗教的盲目狂热已经出现，那是伊斯兰教真实而和平信仰的裂变。

由于这种扭曲折磨的化合，一种新的致命病毒浮现。这种病毒就是恐怖主义。它的毁灭意图不受人性情感限制，它的破坏能量被科学技术所放大。

我们的终极武器：自由的信念

这是一场仅以军队无法开战或赢得的战争。比之恐怖分子，我们在所有传统方式方面是如此强大。但是尽管我们集所有力量之大成，我们却惯于谦卑。

归根结底，抵抗这个魔鬼的将不仅是我们的实力。我们终极的武器不是我们的枪杆子，而是我们的信念(长时间的热烈的掌声)。

有一种荒诞的说法：虽然我们爱自由，但别人不爱。认为我们对自由的依恋是我们文化的产物。自由、民主、人权、法治是美国价值或西方价值；而阿富汉妇女满足于塔里班的鞭笞；萨达姆好歹为他的人民所爱戴；米洛舍维齐是塞尔维亚的救主。

议员先生们，我们所拥有的不是西方价值，无论在哪里，它都是人类精神的普遍价值。(掌声)......无论在哪里、在什么时候老百姓拥有机会选择，选择都是相同的：自由，而不是暴政；民主，而不是专政；法治，而不是秘密警察制。

自由的传播对于自由本身而言是最佳安全方式。它是我们防御的底线和进攻的第一线。

正是由于恐怖分子试图以仇恨分裂人类，所以我们必须围绕一个观念结成联盟，这个观念就是自由。(长时间的掌声)我们必须寻求为自由而战的意志和使自由全球化的同道。

亚伯拉罕 林肯说，“那些否认他人自由的人不配拥有自由。”正是这个关于正义的认知产生了自由之爱的道德。

当我们的安全直接受到威胁时，在某种情况下我们求助于武力，在另外情况下我们求助于理性的压力。但所有情况都指向一个终结：我们所追求的自由不是为若干人的而是为全人类的，因为这是在这场奋斗中真正获胜的唯一正确的途径。(掌声)

历史不能宽恕什么？

但是我们首先必须解释面临的危险。

我们的世界依存于秩序。危险则没有秩序。在现今世界，它可以如传染病一样传播。恐怖分子和那些支持恐怖的国家没有强大的军队或精密武器，他们不需要。他们的武器是混乱。

恐怖主义的企图不是任意毁坏的单一行动。它蓄意挑衅，寻求反动：经济崩溃、动摇、仇恨、分裂、消灭宽容，直至社会解体而顺从他们的倒行逆施，符合他们的意志。克什米尔、中东、车臣(Chechnya), 印度尼西亚、非洲，几乎没有人类大陆或国家民族逃脱此难。

风险在于恐怖主义及其国家联合起来发展大规模杀伤性武器。当人们说“这种风险是幻觉”的时候，我说，我们知道塔里班支持艾.凯达(Al Qaida)，我们知道萨达姆治下的伊拉克支持恐怖分子并为他们提供避风港。我们知道中东一些国家积极搜寻并支持人们---这些人以神的意志为念---在自杀行为中胁迫众多无辜生命走上他们的末日审判之路。其中一些国家正在拼命试图获得原子武器。我们知道一些公司和个人与专家一起将这些武器出售给高价买主；我们知道至少有一个国家，北韩，让人民忍饥挨饿，却花数十亿美元发展原子武器、输出有关技术。

这不是幻觉，这是21世纪的现实。我们目前被迫面对的现实。(掌声)

我们能否确定恐怖主义和大规模杀伤武器合而为一？让我们这么说：如果我们错了，我们将粉碎一种威胁，这至少是对野蛮屠杀和苦难的负责反应。我自信，历史会为此宽恕我们(掌声)。

但是如果批评家们错了，如果我们对了，---就如我每根神经纤维本能确 认并深信不疑的那样我们对了----我们却不采取行动，我们就会在应当采取

行动时，面对危机而犹豫不决。而这，将是历史不能宽恕的(长时间的热烈掌声)。

重审外交观念，重组外交格局

但是恰恰由于威胁始临，它不明显。我们关于如何行动、何时行动的概念被颠覆了，这种颠覆它跨越了许多国家疆界。所以，恰恰由于它重新定义我们的安全观念，我们也必须审查我们的外交观念。

在国际政治中，再也没有比应当平衡美国与其它竞争对手国家之间的力量这种理论更加危险的理论了；不同的磁场周围聚集不同的国家。这种理论也许可以解释19世纪的欧洲。那是当时的必然形势。今天，抛出传统的安全理论是一个过时的错误。它同时是危险的，因为面对共同遭受威胁的事实，我们需要的是合作而不是竞争，我们需要共同意志和共同的决断。

欧州转变的可能，东欧国家的作用

我确信任何联盟必须从美国和欧洲开始。如果欧洲和美国联合，其它国家将和我们携手努力。如果我们分裂，其它民族将自行其是，摈弃我们，这样做只有灾难性后果。

你们也许认为经过近来的争论，上述结局可能兑现。但是欧洲的争论已经开始。永远不要忘记，伊拉克显示许多欧洲国家支持我们的行动。而且当那些国家不同意联合国1483号伊拉克重建决议的时候，这种支持依然如此。

今天，德国军人进驻阿富汗，法国士兵进驻刚果，他们在那里维持和平，制止屠杀。所以我们不应小视这种不同，但我们也不应为此而困惑。

你们知道，上个月，当欧洲，比方说，小有紧张的时候，人们问我，“为什么你坚持把不合格的英国弄到欧洲中心来？”我说，“啊，如果大不列颠英国是距离曼哈顿20英里远的一个岛国，我也许感觉不同。但事实上，我们距加来(Calais，法国北部海港城市—译者)20英里，而且跟它隧道相连。”

我们是欧洲的一部分。我们希望如此。但是我们也希望是变化中的欧洲的一部分。

欧洲有一个潜在的弱点。数种原因，十分明显，大约一千年以来，我们相互杀戮，死者众多。欧洲政治文化不可避免地、正确地建立在妥协之上。妥协是好事，除非有幻觉。但是我不相信你可以跟这个新型的恐怖主义妥协。(掌声)

但是欧洲有一个优势。它是一个了不起的政治成就。回顾过去，想想今日的联合。想想它甚至正在准备向土耳其这样一个文化、传统、宗教全然不同的国家伸出手臂，欢迎它并接纳它。

但是我真正想说的是：目前欧洲正处在变革环节中。明年，10个国家将加入进来。罗马尼亚和保加利亚将步其后尘。为什么这些新的欧洲成员国会使欧洲转化？因为他们伤口犹在，记忆犹新，他们仍旧热烈拥抱自由而不是已经习惯了自由。

他们相信大西洋彼岸的联盟。他们支持经济改革。他们企盼一个多民族的欧洲而不是一个超级国家。他们是我们的同盟，也是你们的同盟。所以，不要放弃欧洲。与它携手努力(掌声)。

欧洲必须反“反美主义”，安理会应当改组

作为一个严肃的伙伴，欧洲必须开始并且击败愚蠢的反美主义。这种主义有时候被看作是它的政治说教。美国必须做的是，展现自己是一个建立在说服基础上而非命令基础上的同伴（掌声）。

这样我们世界其他伟大民族和弱小民族就将聚集起来而不是一盘散沙。他们就将认同我们对威胁的理解。联合国将会变得名至实归：不仅仅是一个展开争论的工具，也是一个付诸行动的手段。

安理会应当改组。我们需要一个新的国际政体，以便防止核武器和大规模杀伤性武器的扩散（掌声）。

我们需要对联合国成员国清楚地说明：“如果你对这个系统承担义务却挑战联合国宪章，粗暴地践踏人权，你就不能期待象遵守联合国宪章的国家一样，享有他们所享有的同样权利。”（热烈掌声）

我相信，不是联合决定我们的使命，而是使命决定我们的联合。但是让我们首先选择联合，如果必要，再单独行动，舍此无它。

确然：以这种方式不易赢得战争，但是容易赢得和平。（掌声）

实现民主承诺，推进永久和平

我们必须战争与和平双赢。

你们在这方面有非凡的记录。二战后，是谁帮助日本更新？或者德国重建？或者欧洲再次挺立？美国。

所以当我们入侵阿富汗或伊拉克时，我们的责任没有随着军事上的胜利而完结。（掌声）

结束这场战斗不等于结束这次任务。

所以，如果阿富汗人需要国际社会提供更多军队维持喀布尔外围的治安，我们的义务是把军队送来。(掌声)

让我们帮助他们根除他们对罂粟的依赖，这种作物的恶劣的残余出现在英国街头，如同海洛因一样损害英国年轻人的生命。正向阿富汗人的丰收损害了他们自己的生命。

我们允诺伊拉克一个民主政府。我们将交付这个政府。（长时间的掌声）

我们应允他们用他们自己的石油财富为他们的全体公民，而不是腐败的精英，建立繁荣的机会，我们将兑现诺言。我们将和这些需要我们帮助的民众在一起，直到完成我们的任务。（掌声）然后反思：当这些不成功的国家正在和持续地从恐怖政权向繁荣国家转型、从专制政体向民主典范转型、从骚乱的源泉向稳定的灯塔转型的时候，有关“美国帝国主义”的指控是何等空洞！如果世界看到这些穆斯林民族依旧是穆斯林，但是却拥有了未来的希望，没有了假装保护穆斯林却使他们大量受难的残酷政权的桎梏，----如果世界看到这一点，那么关于这场战争是对穆斯林战争的说法将是何等可笑！（长时间的掌声）

对于自由的价值而言，这将我们能够想象的最有利于观察的广告。当我们铲除塔里班和萨达姆侯赛因的时候，这不是帝国主义。对于那些受压迫的人民来说，这是他们的解放。

打跨恐怖主义，改变中东格局

为什么恐怖分子在穆斯林世界甚至可以发动一场争论，说这不是他们的解放？因为恐怖统治把握了一个理由，一个他们并不信奉但可以操纵利用的理由。我想非常明白简单地说：没有中东地区以色列和巴勒斯坦之间的和平，恐怖主义不会被打垮。（掌声）

这里是孵化毒素的地方。这里，极端主义者能够搅乱数量巨大的人群的心智，以便服务于巴勒斯坦国并诋毁以色列，而且进一步将此转嫁成为东方与西方之间，穆斯林、犹太教徒和基督徒之间的一场战争。

我们永远不能以色列的国家安全做妥协。（掌声）以色列国应当获得整个阿拉伯世界的认同。惯于灌输给孩子的、既攻击以色列，也攻击犹太教徒的卑鄙宣传，必须终止。（掌声）

你不能先教人们憎恨，然后要求他们实践和平。但是你也不能教人们和平，却不尊重他们，不给他们希望。（掌声）无辜的以色列人遭受苦难。巴勒斯坦人同样遭受苦难。

伊拉克的萨达姆政权的结束必然是中东重新组合的起点：伊拉克，自由而稳定；伊朗和叙利亚，援助暴力歹徒，他们应当明白，世界将不再迁就他们。唯有彻底改恶从善，才能获得友谊。果真如此，友谊之手将向他们和他们的人民而伸出。整个地区将在帮助下走向民主。作为民主的总体象征，一个独立、自治而民主的巴勒斯坦人的国家将与以色列国并肩而立。（掌声）

总统目前在中东所作所为，艰难而正确。

在这一点上，为我们把和平带给北爱尔兰的尝试，让我感谢总统的支持，感谢他之前的克林顿总统的支持，感谢在座国会议员们所提供的支持。（掌声）

你们知道，关于和平的进程，我学到一件事：总有沮丧，常有苦恼，并且偶尔看似无望。但无论如何，推动和平比不推动它好。

实行经济援助，开展自由贸易

为什么一个巴勒斯坦解决方案引起如此强烈的遍及世界的兴趣？因为它具体化为一种可操作的走向公正的途径。就象你们总统提议、你们国会支持的，追加一百五十亿美元费用，帮助世界上最贫穷国家防治免疫系统/爱滋病毒一样，它是一个关注的表示，立即在世界各地获得回声。

没有公正就没有非洲的自由；没有对非洲贫穷、疾病和饥馑的宣战，就没有公正。这种宣战的决心正如我们铲除暴君和恐怖主义分子的决心一样坚定。(掌声)

9月份在墨西哥，世界应该团结起来实施贸易圈，打开我们的市场。我是为了自由贸易，我告诉你为什么：因为我们不能对世界上最贫困的人们说，“我们希望你们自由，但就是不准备在我们的市场卖你们的产品。”(掌声)

因为自从世界打开大门，繁荣昌盛紧随其后。而这种繁荣昌盛也必须拥有一个可以持久的环境。(掌声)

你们知道，我记得在我们最早的一次国际会议上，一个欧洲总理告诉布什总统，解决方案相当简单：把美国的汽油税加一倍。(笑声)

你们的总统意味深长地看了他一眼。(笑声)这使我想起20世纪早期我的党的第一位领袖，基尔 哈迪(Keir Hardy)......（此处删节关于哈迪与潘克赫斯特(Pankhursts)就妇女投票问题的一段历史回顾----译者）

但是坦白说，我们需要到远方的京都（曾是日本古都）去，我们需要依靠科学和技术。

气候改变，森林砍伐，我们不能忽略对自然资源的贪婪采掘。这些未加限制的破坏将阻碍经济的发展，首先影响最易受伤害的国家，最终波及所有国家。所以我们必须展示给世界，我们愿意迎接环绕世界的和来自自家后院的挑战（掌声）。

自由是人类价值，美国不必道歉

国会议员们，如果恐怖与大规模杀伤武器的威胁看起来漫长持久，只需要再说一次：没有全球人类团结一心，世界安全就没有保障。所以，美国不仅要带领，美国也必须倾听。

但是，议员先生们，永远不要为你们的价值而道歉（热烈掌声）。

告诉世界为什么你们为美国而自豪。

告诉他们，当星条旗开始飘扬的时候，美国站了起来：西班牙人、爱尔兰人、中欧人、东欧人、犹太人、穆斯林人、白人、亚洲人、黑人，那些早年到此定居的、英语跟某些我接触过的纽约出租车司机一个水平的人，但是他们的儿子女儿可以竞选国会议员。

告诉他们，为什么美国人，一个人乃至全体，笔直挺立而且谦恭有理。不是因为某些国家官员告诉他们这样做，而是因为无论他们属于什么种族、肤色、阶层或职业，做一个美国人就意味着自由。

这就是他们自豪的理由。（长时间的热烈的掌声，欢呼声）

美国历史使命：留赠世界自由之光

如同英国人所知，一切伟大的能量似乎都一度无可战胜，但事实上那是短暂的。问题是，你在身后留下了什么？

你们能够留赠给这个焦渴世界的，是自由之光。

这就是这次对恐怖组织或国家奋力抗争的意义。尽管我们希望这个世界是一个美国能够与之轻松相处的世界，但是我们并非为赢得独裁而战，我们并非为一个美国的世界而战。我们并非为基督教而战，我们仅仅是反对一切种类的宗教狂热。

这不是一场文明之间的战争，因为每一种文明都有独特能力丰富人类遗产的宝库。我们是为人类不可剥夺的权利而战，为黑人或白人、基督徒或非基督徒、左派、右派，乃至百万不同的人的自由权利而战。自由：在爱和希望中养育家庭的自由、生存并由自己努力获得酬劳的自由、不在恐惧中向任何人下跪的自由、做你自己---在不侵犯别人自由的情况下做你自己的自由。

这就是我们战斗的理由。这是一场值得为之奋斗的抗争。

我知道这在美国并不易。在这个广袤大地的一些小角落，内华达州（Nevada）或者爱达荷州（Idaho）或一些我从来没有去过但总想光顾地方（笑声），我知道在那里有一个伙计过着自己的日子，全然幸福逍遥，自我关照自己生意，对你们，你们这些本国政治领袖说，“为什么是我？为什么是我们？而且为什么是美国？”

唯一的回答是，“因为命运把你们放在了历史的这个位置、时间长河中的一时刻，把这样的任务交给你们完成。”（长时间的热烈的掌声、呼声）

英国将支持美国为自由而战

我们的任务----我的国民看这你们发展，你们过去孤军奋战，现在我们并肩作战。在这个共同体中，我们为我们的联盟和伟大友情倍感骄傲----我们的任务就是跟你们在一起。(掌声)你们将不孤独。(热烈掌声)我们将跟你们在一起，（热烈掌声中断讲演）为自由而战。(热烈掌声)我们将跟你们在一起，为自由而战。

如果我们的正念正行并且勇敢坚定，世界将跟我们在一起。

谢谢你们。(经久不息的掌声)