林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文

林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文（精选5篇）

1.林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文 篇一

林肯葛底斯堡演说中英文对照翻译葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。林肯的这篇演说是演说史上著名的篇章，其思想的深刻，行文的严谨，语言的冼练，确实是不愧彪炳青史的大手笔。尤其是其中的第二段，建议加以仔细分析，其语义的承转，结构的安排，甚至包括其句式的使用，无一不是极尽推敲之作。GETTYSBURG ADDRESS

Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we can not hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us;that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion;that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth.87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

2.林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文 篇二

关键词：葛底斯堡演说,《独立宣言》,暗喻

1 Background

Shortly after the Battle of Gettysburg, Andrew Crutin, the governor of Pennsylvania quickly assigned a prominent citizen in Gettysburg, Judge David Wills to form an inter-state commission and father funding for a proper cemetery.During the preparation, Wills asked poets such as Henry Wadsworth Longfellow and William Cullen Bryant but was refused.Finally, a noted public speaker, Edward Everett agreed to attend but required 2 months’preparation and a commemorating date of November 19, 1863, was set.

At the beginning of November, Wills issued a rather casual invitation to President Lincoln to speak at the ceremony.The program for the ceremony lists Everett as the orator and Lincoln as the dedicator.The presence of Lincoln was not intended to lend an aesthetic contribution to the ceremony but rather for the sake of formality.

2 Two Speeches on the Scene

Everett, a scholar of classics, enriched his speech with multiple allusions to fallen Greek heroes and drew parallels between the dead at Gettysburg and those who had fallen at the Battle of Marathon.The previously-mentioned two-month’s preparation proofed its value and Everett concluded his ornate diction after almost two hours.

While Everett recited his two-hour speech from memory, Lincoln recited most but not all of his three-minute address from memory.In such shot time of preparation, he wrote at least six versions of the address in his own hand, making some minor revisions in the drafts.There is uncertainty about the draft that he eventually delivered.It may have been the second version, finished the morning of the ceremony in the house of his host Wills.

3 The Eminence of Gettysburg Address

After the ceremony, Lincoln received the greatest compliment from Edward Everett, “I should be glad”, he told Lincoln that“if I could flatter myself that I came as near to the central idea of the occasion in two hours as you did in two minutes”.

The persistent appearances of Gettysburg Address in American culture showed its eminence.In addition to its prominent place carved into a stone cella on the south wall of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., the Gettysburg Address is frequently referred to in works of popular culture, with the implicit expectation that contemporary audiences will be familiar with Lincoln's words.

Lincoln's Gettysburg Address is itself referenced in another of those famed orations, Martin Luther King, Jr.'s"I Have a Dream"speech.Standing on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in August1963, King began with a reference to President Lincoln and his enduring words:"Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice."

The Constitution of France (under the Fifth Republic established in 1958) states that the principle of the Republic of France is"gouvernement du peuple, par le peuple et pour le peuple" ("government of the people, by the people, and for the people, ") a literal translation of Lincoln's words.

The eminence of Gettysburg Address attributes to three parts—perfect correlation with the political background, contents echoing the Declaration of Independence and Lincoln’s posture while speaking.Below is the author’s analysis.

3.1 Relation with the Declaration of Independence

Lincoln deliberately misreads the Declaration of Independence.He supersedes the 1787 Constitution with the 1776 Declaration of Independence and rewrites the“self-evident truth”of the Declaration of Independence into“proposition”.

To get a round interpretation, it’s necessary to know how much importance Lincoln put on the“Union”and“nation”.He wrote to a friend mentioning that“to connect his name with the events transpiring in his day and generation, and so impress himself upon them as to link his name with something that would redound to the interest of his fellow men, was what he desired to live for”.The address begins with“a new nation”and ends with“a new birth of freedom”.It is composed of three paragraphs concerned with the past, the present, and the future with each containing the word“nation”.Meanwhile, Lincoln carries the birth theme by using birth-evoking words like“bring forth”“conceive”“creation”and“new”.His firm purpose throughout the address is to assert the nation and keep it intact.

Lincoln’s misprision of“self-evident truth”as“proposition”shows that he interprets the Jeffersonian ideal of the equality of men from a different perspective.The Declaration’s self-evident truth that all men are created equal means that people are endowed by their creator with equality when they are born.The Jeffersonian ideal of equality is natural right.While Lincoln admits that the ideal is not equally true of all people in his time.To convey this belief, Lincoln delivered his address to the audience from his dominant position with a resolute tone.He maintained that the achievement had not yet been realized.

3.2 Use of metaphor

Lincoln also uses metaphors in Gettysburg Address to create communion between himself and his audience.In using them, he derives the broadly political from the deeply personal.Our sense of political unity arises from two sources—our awareness of being alive and whole, and our debt to those responsible for our birth and upbringing.His use of constitutive metaphors also suggests a normative standard for discourse aimed at the most inclusive publics—the need to find common ground in shared values, a shared sense of who we are and what we wish to become, as persons and as a people.

At the beginning of Gettysburg Address, Lincoln uses the constitutive metaphor“a nation is a living being”to remind his audience of the common origin that binds them together as a people devoted to a central principle:“Four score and seven years ago, our father brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal”.

In the middle, he uses the same metaphor to emphasize the bounds that tie the sacrifice of the dead to the preservation and renewal of the Union:“We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who gave their lives that this nation might live”.

In the conclusion of the speech, the metaphor expresses the resolve of the North in reestablishing the Union, imagined as a person:“It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us...shall have a new birth of freedom—that government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth.”The metaphor defines the nation as it is and as it will be.

3.3 Lincoln’s posture

Another thing needs to mention is that Lincoln holds an appropriate profile during the speech.When Lincoln rose up to speak, he rose slowly, steadily, firmly;he never moved much about on the stand or platform when speaking, trusting no desk, table, railing;he ran his eyes slowly over the crowd...In his greatest inspiration he held both of his hands out above his head at an angle of about fifty degrees, hands open or clenched, according to his feeling and his ideas.

Meanwhile, Lincoln had spent hours poring over Shakespearean speeches so he knew how to manipulate the rhythms and inflections of dramatic delivery.According to live records, interrupted for applause some five times, the president’s speech was well received by his audience.

4 Conclusion

Lincoln’s greatness not only lies in his achievement in political affairs but also in many of his speeches.The one he gave after the Battle of Gettysburg declares its prominence from many parts.Its relationship with the Declaration of Independence shows Lincoln’s resolve in creating a whole nation against any union.His usage of metaphor is the showcase of his belief of a declaration of a whole nation.The address calls upon the people to a destination, the final wonderland of a united nation and history proved its effect.

参考文献

[1]"Constitution du 4 octobre 1958"[EB/OL].http://www.conseil-constitutionnel.fr/textes/constit.htm)

[2]Alan G.Gross, Lincoln's Use of Constitutive Metaphors[M].University of Minnesota Press.

[3]Barton, William E.Lincoln at Gettysburg:What He Intendedto Say;What He Said;What He Was Reported to Have Said;What He Wished He Had Said[M].New York:Peter Smith, 1950:195.

3.林肯格斯斯堡演讲 篇三

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

November 19, 1863

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.亚伯拉罕〃林肯 1863年11月19日 美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且献身给一种理念，即所有人都是生来平等的。

4.林肯在葛底斯堡的演说美文欣赏 篇四

1863年11月19日,葛底斯堡,宾夕法尼亚

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的`。

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poorpower to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth.

但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务--我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

Abraham Lincoln亚伯拉罕·林肯

背景知识：

5.林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文 篇五

First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861

Fellow-Citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.“ I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that--I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor.The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves;and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause ”shall be delivered up“ their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?