林肯演讲稿英文

林肯演讲稿英文（精选9篇）

1.林肯就职演讲稿,精品 篇一

这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是： on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it--all sought to avert it.while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation.both parties deprecated war;but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive;and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.and the war came.one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it.these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war.to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union，even by war;while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god;and each invokes his aid against the other.it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods assistance in wringing their bread from with malice toward none;with charity for all;with firmness in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in;to bind up the nations wounds;to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations.最后两段译文：

(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经，向同一位上帝祷告，求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到面包；但是，不要让我们论断，如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答，任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界！因着必来之罪；祸哉此人，罪因其而来。”如果我们假设，美国奴隶制度乃是众罪之一，此罪到了期限，神便定意除去这个制度，引发这一场可怖的南北战争，因为灾降于那些罪因其而来的人身上，如同以往圣徒所描写的神的属性，神的作为难道会有任何偏差吗？我们热切地盼望--恒切地祷告--这场惩罚性的战争得以迅速地远离我们而去。然而，如果神定意让战争持续下去，直到我们从所有奴隶在两百五十年间没有报酬、困苦劳动之下所累积的财富毁去，及直到每一滴皮鞭上的血迹被报之以刀下每一条冤魂，就如同我们在三千年前所说，而今天仍要再说的那样：“主的审判信实，合乎公义。”

不以恶待人，而以仁爱相处。当神开启我们的眼，得见公义时，我们必须持守公义。让我们全力以赴，完成我们手中的工作，医治国家的创伤；并照料在战场上承受苦痛的人，和那些寡妇、孤儿，不忘记关怀他们-让我们竭尽全力，达成在我们中间，及众民族之间的永久的公义和和平。简单统计：

? 讲演总字数：699 ? 提到上帝次数：10(god: 6;the almighty: 1;lord: 1;he: 2)? 提到祷告次数：3 ? 提到圣经次数：1 ? 引用圣经次数：2 所以只要读一下这篇讲演，就会知道林肯是怎样一位敬畏上帝，祈求上帝带领的人了！就如林肯传记《公民林肯》(lincoln the citizen)的作者惠特尼(hey whitney)所总结的：“(这篇演讲是)一串向神连绵不断的祈求，求祂对我们这个如火如荼的国家伸出援手。”

这篇讲演发生在1865年3月4号上午，当时在现场的记者noah brooks写到：“just at that moment the sun，which had been obscured all day，burst forth in its unclouded meridian splendor，and flooded the spectacle with glory and with light??was already standing in the shadow of death.”(林肯登台的一瞬间，阳光冲出了已盘踞了一整天的云层，放射出惊人的景象，荣耀和光辉如洪水般涌来??而此时，林肯已经站在了死亡的阴影之中。)--仅仅40天后，即同年4月15号，林肯在剧院里被谋杀了。

其实早年的林肯是一个无神论者，作为政治家，认为财富和权力更为重要。然而，随着美国内战战局的发展，林肯越来越感受到上帝的主权和公义，越来越依靠神，承认自己和人的无能为力，开始把国家的命运交托在神的手里。

例如，在1862年9月，在一个本来看似乐观的形势下，北方军却经历了在bull run的第二次战役的彻底失败，林肯开始认真的反思这次战争，并且考虑解放黑奴的具体计划。这时，他写下了“meditation on the divine will”(对神旨意的思想)的文章。英文原文是：“the will of god prevails.in great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of god.both may be，and one must be，wrong.god can not be for and against the same thing at the same time.in the present civil war it is quite possible that gods purpose is something different from the purpose of either party-and yet the human instrumentalities，working just as they do，are of the best adaptation to affect his purpose.”翻译是：“上帝的旨意必成就。在内战中，双方都认为自己所行的符合上帝的旨意，但至少有一方是错的，因为上帝不可能自相矛盾。上帝的旨意不同于我们的目标，但是上帝使用我们作为器皿成就祂的旨意。”

在林肯将被谋杀的最后时刻，据d.james kennedy的《what if the bible had never been written》一书，林肯坐在戏院里，对妻子玛丽说的最后的话是：“你知道我现在想做什么吗？我想带你到中东去旅行。”“我们要去祂(主耶稣)诞生的伯利恒。我们要拜访伯大尼，随着那条圣洁脚踪所行过的路途走。然后我们上耶路(耶路撒冷)??”篇二：林肯的就职演讲稿

林肯的就职演讲稿(中英文版)the gettysburg address ?? gettysburg, pennsylvania ?? november 19, 1863 地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡 八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。篇三：林肯就职演讲稿中英版 gettysburg, pennsylvania november 19, 1863 fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long but, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

2.林肯格斯斯堡演讲 篇二

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

November 19, 1863

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.亚伯拉罕〃林肯 1863年11月19日 美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且献身给一种理念，即所有人都是生来平等的。

3.林肯的葛底斯堡演讲 篇三

林肯gettysburg演讲稿英文版如下：

Four score and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.

4.亚伯拉罕林肯的葛底斯堡的演讲 篇四

Speech：

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President “before he enters on the execution of this office.”

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered up” their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States”?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.Top

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was “to form a more perfect Union.”

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.Top

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

5.林肯就职演说 篇五

2007年07月15日 星期日 下午 12:10The Gettysburg Address

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

November 19, 186

3Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

6.读《林肯传记》有感 篇六

人生之路漫长又坎坷，人生之旅中充满了成功与失败，布满了玫瑰和荆棘，在艰难的跋涉中，我们选择了成功，同时也就选择了失败。

人们往往都希望自己成功，去收获那片喜悦，然而却害怕面对失败，害怕体味那份苦涩，近日，我在一本书中读到一个人的简历，面对那一串串的数字，我震惊了，也感动了……

22岁，生意失败；23岁，竞选州议员失败；24岁，生意再次失败；25岁，当选州议员；26岁，情人去世；27岁，精神崩溃；28岁，竞选州议长失败；31岁，竞选入团失败；34岁，竞选国会议员失败；37岁，当选国会议员；39岁，国会议员连任失败；46风，竞选参议员失败；47岁，竞选副总统失败；49岁，竞选参议员再次失败；51岁，当选美国总统。

这个人就是林肯，是公认的美国历史上最伟大的总统。他，就是在一次次的失败中，一次次的崛起，一步步地走向成功，走向辉煌。

大凡成功的人，他们都是一段从零开始的`艰巨里程，都经历过失败，伟人之所以是伟人，就是因为他们经历了比我们更多的失败，并从中吸取经验教训，一步步地成功的。

书中阐明了失败并不可怕，关键是我们以什么样的态度去对待，当我们真正地明白了，理解了失败的伟大意义，我们便也懂得了：我们应该感谢失败。我们学校曾经进行过一段较长时间的感恩教育，提倡感谢曾经给过我们帮助的人，甚至是陌生人或敌人、对手。帮助过我们的人让我们的生活工作等更加顺利，而打击过我们的对手、敌人却能锻炼我们的意志，让我们跌倒了再爬起来。其实文章所说的“感谢失败”也是这个道理。

有人说：失败，是一块调色板，它使我们的生活变得五彩缤纷，绚丽灿烂，如果没有失败，就没有人生的大起大落，也就少了那份执著，少了那份激情，如果没有失败，生活便过于平淡，也就显得苍白无力，让人觉得索然无味，没有了大苦大乐，没有了欢歌笑语，生活也就如一潭死水，失去了应有的风采、光华和生机。我觉得我的工作生活确实经历了不少的成功与失败，当然，这些与伟人们的失败与成功是不可相提并论，简直就是连“小巫见大巫”都谈不上。但我发现经历了失败，我从中发现自己的缺点和不足，吸取经验教训，为成功或者更准确地说是为下次更好开展活动、为以后的教学工作而积蓄力量，孕育希望的种子，变得更坚强。我相信我们的毅志也会在无数次的挫折中磨炼得更加顽强，我们的信心了也会随着那份执著更加坚定。

7.林肯传读书笔记 篇七

他从一个拓居地的贫困儿童成长为一名律师，再到内阁成员，最后当上了美国总统的，很多人会认为这不可思议，但这是真的，林肯靠他的勤劳和努力一步步地登上了美国历史的舞台，并干下了许多惊天动地的壮举。

182月12日，一个小生命诞生了，这个小孩的母亲给他取名叫亚伯拉罕·林肯。这个小孩成长得很好，很快他就成为了一个小伙子，并且能干许多事。时间流逝过去，很快，林肯当上了国家要员，并在之前亲眼目睹了黑奴被买卖和国家分裂的场面，于是便有一股强烈的爱国情感涌入他心中。经过他的努力，愿望实现了，而且还给美国带来和谐。

我深深地领悟到，林肯就是这么一个正义且爱国的人，是一个不会被困难吓倒，不会为成功所迷惑的人，他不屈不挠地迈向自己伟大的目标，而且从不倒退。总之，他是一位已经到达了伟大境界还仍然保持自己优秀品质的人，是一位已经到达最高财富境界还仍然不为金钱与权利所迷惑的人。

值得敬佩的是，林肯的孝顺，勇敢，渴望读书以及他的清廉。林肯小时家里很穷，但他很勤劳，在五岁时就能帮家里干一些力所能及的活，说起来是力所能及的活，但要我们这些12岁的少年来干，恐怕就不是力所能及的活了。如射杀火鸡。林肯为了解决吃饭问题，“违背”了自己爱护动物的想法，举起了枪，上膛后朝火鸡射过去;如伐木，林肯每天都要砍10根圆木，并把它修整好，这些活放在现在别说干了，看看都会头晕。在林肯18，19岁时，为了能得到衣服，砍了四百根横木给人家。再想想我们，我们处在良好的环境里，不是更应该帮家里做点家务，哪怕每天帮家里扫一次地，拖一次地板。

林肯最优秀的地方就是爱国，他为了解放黑奴，赢得南北战争的胜利，一步一步努力地成长为内阁成员，最后当上了总统，因为这种地位才能够领导人民，奋起作战，与黑暗势力抗衡。最终，全国四百万黑奴被解放了，国家也从分裂的边缘被拉了回来，这不仅使林肯兴奋，而且还使整个美利坚共和国的人民高兴，欢呼，并得到了自由。

伯拉罕·林肯，一个没有假日的总统，一个没有天晴的水手，林肯的历史就是那个时代的人民的生活史，他的步伐快，人们的步伐也快，他慢，人们的步伐也就随之慢下来，是将全部身心奉献给社会的人。

8.读《林肯》有感 篇八

我对这句话挺有感触的，林肯出生于一个贫穷的家庭，曾几乎面临饿死或冻死的危险，但他依然热爱学习。因为买不起粉笔，他用木材熏黑后在原木上写字，竟也练得了一手漂亮的字体。在放学后，他经常到流动法庭或教堂，听人们谈话认真的分析学习。后来，林肯踏入政坛，饱受冷眼与非议，一些挫折是我无法想象的，更无从知道林肯是靠什么挺了过去。

就像林肯在签署并发布了《解放奴隶宣言》后，奴隶主激烈抗争，民主党趁机抹黑林肯政府形象，士兵逃叛，内阁爆发危机。林肯感到绝望了吗?是的，他很绝望的说;“我简直感到连上帝都在反对我，我丝毫看不到任何希望。”但是他倒在困难面前了吗?没有，他在混乱的黑暗中挣扎，终于看到了阳光。他赢得了南北战争的胜利，《解放奴隶宣言》成为了正式的法律。他成为美国史上最伟大的总统。

我想这本书留给我的不仅仅只有一个人的人生故事，还有心灵上的慰藉与震撼。林肯的出生很卑微，这让我羞愧于自己对某些条件的不满，我希望自己有着非凡的身世，但林肯告诉我，这并不属于人生的价值。林肯在逆境中的自强不息，让我惭愧在自己的没有恒心，轻言放弃。他说，只要是你还在努力的事情，就谈不上失败。他也会有平常人的小毛病，穿着邋遢，举止随意，我从中得到自信与坦然，谁没有缺点呢?坦然面对，做最自信的的自己就好。

有的时候，我受了委屈，我觉得自己很痛苦。但我不愿意诉说，只抱膝坐在房间的小床上，我觉得自己很孤独，很无助――这时，我便会想起床头的《林肯》，“只读过一年半书，从事过许多职业并且两次经商失败，参加十一次竞选八次失利……”他忍受过那么多的挫折和创伤，他的善良仁慈和正义的心，也未能给他带来过一天的幸福或者快乐。那我的这点委屈算什么呢?不过是山脚的一粒尘土罢了。

马克思曾这样评价过他：“他是一位达到了伟大境界而仍然保持自己优良品质的罕有的人物。这位出类拔萃和道德高尚的人竟是那样谦虚，以致只有在他成为殉道者倒下去之后，全世界才发现他是一位英雄。”诚然，纵览林肯的一生，幸运女神并没有因为他是一个善良的人而眷顾他，反而让他的人生之路艰辛坎坷，最终也付出了自己的生命。但他是成功的，因为他有着渴望，他渴望从残破的小木屋中站起来，把手伸向胜利的阳光。而现在，他也真正站在了时代的巅峰。

9.美国总统林肯葛底斯堡演讲词 篇九

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.87年以前, 我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家。它孕育于自由之中, 奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战, 以考验这个国家, 或者说以考验任何一个孕育于自由而奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大war field战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存survive and exist下去而献出了自己的生命, 我们在此集会是为了把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的fitted for。

But in a large sense we cannot dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here;but it can never forget what they did here.但是, 从更广泛的意义上来说, 这块土地我们不能够奉献, 我们不能够圣化, 我们不能够神化apotheosize。曾在这里战斗过的勇士们, 活着的和去世的, 已经把这块土地神圣化了, 这远不是我担微薄的力量所能增减minus的。全世界将很少observe注意到、也不会长期地记起我们今天在这里所说的话, 但全世界永远不会忘记勇士们在这里所做过的事。

It is for us the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us---that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion---that we here highly revolve that these dead shall not have died in vain---that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.毋宁说, 倒是我们这些还活着的人, 应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务, 以便使我们从这些光荣的死者glorious身上汲取更多的献身精神, 来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；以便使我们在这里下定最大的决心, 不让这些死者白白牺牲, 以便使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生a new lease of life 新生, 并且使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

(This is the article the students have to recite.)

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.87年以前, 我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家。它孕育于自由之中, 奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But in a large sense we cannot dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here;but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us---that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion---that we here highly revolve that these dead shall not have died in vain---that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.(This is the article the students have to recite.)

87年以前, 我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家。它孕育于自由之中, 奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战, 以考验这个国家, 或者说以考验任何一个孕育于自由而奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大war field战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存survive and exist下去而献出了自己的生命, 我们在此集会是为了把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的fitted for。

但是, 从更广泛的意义上来说, 这块土地我们不能够奉献, 我们不能够 圣化, 我们不能够神化apotheosize。曾在这里战斗过的勇士们, 活着的和去世的, 已经把这块土地神圣化了, 这远不是我担微薄的力量所能增减minus的。全世界将很少observe注意到、也不会长期地记起我们今天在这里所说的话, 但全世界永远不会忘记勇士们在这里所做过的事。

毋宁说, 倒是我们这些还活着的人, 应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此